This article is part of a collection on the second-term president\u2019s approach to the world. Read the full package here<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n<\/p><\/div>\n U.S. President Donald Trump\u2019s fixation on mass deportations in his first 100 days has flung Latin America up the foreign-policy priority list. Under other circumstances, that attention might be celebrated. After all, it\u2019s rare that a U.S. secretary of state makes their first international trip to the region, as Marco Rubio did in February when he\u00a0visited<\/a>\u00a0Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic.<\/p>\n But one of Rubio\u2019s goals on that trip was to lay the groundwork for deportations to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador. The United States later transferred migrants there, alleging that they were gang members, even though most\u00a0had<\/a>\u00a0no criminal records in the United States and appeared to be accused based on little more than their\u00a0tattoos<\/a>.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n U.S. President Donald Trump\u2019s fixation on mass deportations in his first 100 days has flung Latin America up the foreign-policy priority list. Under other circumstances, that attention might be celebrated. After all, it\u2019s rare that a U.S. secretary of state makes their first international trip to the region, as Marco Rubio did in February when he\u00a0visited<\/a>\u00a0Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, Guatemala, and the Dominican Republic.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n But one of Rubio\u2019s goals on that trip was to lay the groundwork for deportations to a maximum-security prison in El Salvador. The United States later transferred migrants there, alleging that they were gang members, even though most\u00a0had<\/a>\u00a0no criminal records in the United States and appeared to be accused based on little more than their\u00a0tattoos<\/a>.<\/p>\n Despite the indiscriminate nature of these deportations, many Latin American leaders are\u00a0facilitating<\/a>\u00a0them\u2014and not only those who seek a close relationship with Trump. This in part continues a trend of regional governments\u00a0emulating<\/a>\u00a0the United States\u2019 restrictive immigration policies. It also reflects that Latin American governments want to preserve their political capital for countering another of Trump\u2019s policies: economic pressure.<\/p>\n Trump quickly threatened 25 percent\u00a0tariffs<\/a>\u00a0on Mexico, only partially backing down after major\u00a0concessions<\/a>. In Panama, Trump coupled warnings about economic engagement with China with\u00a0threats<\/a>\u00a0to take over critical infrastructure. And though Rubio has said he wants\u00a0joint economic prosperity<\/a>\u00a0in the Western Hemisphere, few details have emerged about a positive economic agenda for the region.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n The United States is more important for total trade and investment in Central America and Mexico than in South America, where China accounts for\u00a0more<\/a>\u00a0of the economic pie. Trump\u2019s pressure on Latin America to shun relations with China is familiar; but during his first term, many South American countries rejected that pressure and even\u00a0doubled down<\/a>\u00a0on economic ties with Beijing.<\/p>\n In the face of Trump\u2019s dramatic new trade barriers, Latin American countries are getting more creative. The Mercosur trade bloc has\u00a0moved closer<\/a>\u00a0to a long-stalled trade agreement with the European Union; even Mexico City is in\u00a0trade talks<\/a>\u00a0with Brussels. Presidents from the region were feted with state visits in\u00a0India<\/a>\u00a0and\u00a0Japan<\/a> in recent weeks. So far, at least one effect of Trump\u2019s second term has been to inspire countries toward trade diversification.<\/p>\n<\/p><\/div>\n